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The Farang Identity Who’s Who in Bangkok’s Expatriate Community Parker Mincey NC State University Abstract Bangkok, Thailand hosts a large community of migrants, a substantial portion of which is Westerners. This paper will address the role of Western migrants in Bangkok’s intricate and stratified social network, and the extent to which they are able assimilate and engender feelings of acceptance in Thai society. These abilities are assessed through such social facets as marriage, language proficiency, length of stay, and several others. The identity of a farang, the contentious Thai term designating a person of Western descent, in Bangkok is certainly a subjective conception. However, the increasing foreign presence in the city elucidates certain trends that are beginning to reveal the true farang identity.

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Introduction Thailand is socially and economically distinguished from other Southeast Asian nations in several ways. Perhaps the most prominent isolating factor is that it has never been officially colonized by a Western power (2010 Harrison.) Unlike its neighboring nations, most external influence has come by means of small-scale immigration or media, rather than institutionalized military or governmental manipulation. Furthermore, the strictures of the 1984 Immigration Act (Bhumibol) concerning foreign residency have made Thailand a nation of relative cultural homogeneity.1 This is not to say that Thailand is not a diverse nation; it simply has a comparative lack of the vestiges of Western infrastructure that litter Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos (2010 Harrison.) This lack of European residue raises several questions about the role of Western migrants to Bangkok – Why is Bangkok so attractive to Westerners as a destination of relocation? What do Western migrants do in Bangkok? What is their self-perceived role, and their role as perceived by Thais? Is the Western-Bangkok relationship parasitic, mutualistic, or commensalistic? Are such relationships ubiquitous, or are they contingent on migrant idiosyncrasies? The answers to these questions reveal the nature of the existence of a Westerner in Bangkok. The research that provides the bulk of this essay was conducted over a two-month period in the Rang Nam neighborhood of Bangkok, Thailand. Rang Nam was chosen as the site for the research because of its reputation as a primarily Thai neighborhood. Any Westerners in the neighborhood are likely to be farang, as opposed to transient nak thaawng thiaao (a distinction I will explicate below), because of its distance from the bustling tourist areas like Khaosan Road and Sukhumvit. The data analyzed in this essay consists of 124 formal and semi-formal interviews along with classic participant-observation. The short-term nature of the research renders this essay but a preliminary surveillance of a large, complex phenomenon. I do, however, believe that the data is an accurate representation of farang identity in its grandest sense. Who are farang? In order to understand farang identity in Thailand, a cogent definition must be established. The origin of “farang” is widely disputed, though the most legitimate proposal suggests that the term finds its genesis in the mispronunciation of “français.” The French were the first Europeans to venture into what is now Thailand (2003 Wyatt.) The ancestors of modern Thais called the French by the name with which the French identify themselves; however, pronunciation difficulties yielded “farang” instead of “français.” As early as 1833, Edmund Roberts, a United States envoy, used “farang” in conjuncture with “European” in a report on Siam, the area presently known as Thailand (1833 Roberts.)

                                                                                                               1  The  most  common  method  of  maintaining  a  residence  for  a  farang  in  Thailand  is  to  exit  the  country  every  thirty  to  ninety  days  to  renew  a  basic  tourist  visa.    These  “visa  runs”  are  often  a  source  of  discontent  among  farang,  who  nevertheless  must  make  the  journey  if  they  are  to  legally  remain  in  the  country.    Other  long-­‐term  visas  are  available,  but  not  without  a  serious  personal  investment  such  as  familial  or  business  obligations.      

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The qualities that make a person farang are subjects of debate, though a general consensus can usually be reached. It is in essentially universal agreement that farang are non-Thais, though most acknowledge other factors that narrow the definition. I advocate aligning the correct definition with the definition asserted by Thais: Farang are people of European descent who maintain some sort of vested interest in Thailand, such as business endeavors, Thai-farang familial connections, or long-term residence. Of all Thais interviewed, 95.3% maintain that this is the correct definition figures 1 and 2. Farang must also be separated from nak thaawng thaioo, those tourists and other ephemeral beings with no desire to maintain any sort of connection to Thailand. Kontogeorgopoulos (2003) proffers three types of Western existences in Thailand: those of the tourist, the adventurist, and the farang. The first type represents the quintessential nak thaawng thaioo, whose motivation for travel to Thailand is in the form of an escape from work or an avenue for relaxation. Nak thaawng thaioo undoubtedly comprise the largest group of Westerners in Thailand, with twelve million tourist visas issued in 2004 – most of which were granted to Europeans, Americans, and Australians (2008 Howard.) The adventurist, on the other hand, occupies a liminal zone between tourist and farang. He does not simply seek relaxation, but he has no recognized plans to solidify a relationship with Thailand. Instead, the adventurist engages in a search for “those few remaining traces of authenticity lost in the global rush towards modernization and Westernization” (2003 Kontogeorgopoulos.) Meanwhile, the farang adheres to the definition discussed above. Kontogeorgopoulos’s categories certainly seem to form a continuum. I met several farang in and around Rang Nam whose first encounter with Thailand was the result of a tourist vacation. A neighbor in my apartment building, Don, acknowledged the path that led him to relocate to Bangkok. Originally a real estate agent in Phoenix, Arizona, Don’s first trip to Thailand came in the form of a family vacation. After a messy divorce, Don returned to Thailand for a lengthier stay, during which time he also traveled to Burma and Laos. Upon the termination of his time as a liminal adventurist, Don returned to Phoenix, only to return to Thailand within the year. At the time of our interview, he had been in Bangkok for seven months. Warnes (2001) recognizes the frequency of “pensioners” to retire abroad; Thailand saw a 28.7% increase in instances of hosting Western relocation from 1997-1999. As such, Don’s story is certainly not unique. However other farang have astounding transnational sagas. One such man, a 56-year-old ex-engineer from England, came to Bangkok on vacation in 1996. At the time of the interview in 2012, he had only left the country to renew his visa; he had found himself to be sufficiently financially endowed to claim Thailand (he currently lives in Chiang Mai) as a permanent home. He has no plans to leave. Trends developed in the data that suggest a correlation between a person’s length of stay in Thailand and his definition of farang figures 1 and 2. Of the 124 informants, all but nine responses fall into two broad categories – farang are all foreigners, or farang are foreigners of European descent. Twenty-four people asserted that all non-Thais are farang; only six of these specify the additional, vested interest required to be labeled as such. The majority of informants proclaim that only people of European descent are farang, with only two people being unfamiliar with the term, and seven having a different definition. Fifty informants of European descent restricted the title to Westerners (72.4% of Westerners interviewed); forty-one (95.3% of Thais interviewed) Thais echoed this response. Nineteen Westerners and eleven Thais specified extended stays or work

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requirements as prerequisites to farang status, while only two Westerners maintained that farang are all Westerners in the world, regardless of experience (if any) in Thailand. Only four informants, two Thais and two Westerners, commented on the offensiveness of the term – one farang and one Thai defended each position. Of the seven responses indicating other definitions, each recognized Westerners as candidates for farang status, but also included certain groups of Asians (Indians, Filipinos, or Burmese.)

Figure 12

                                                                                                               2  Numbers  on  the  x-­‐axis  in  figures  1  and  2  refer  length  of  stay,  in  months,  i.e.  66.6%  of  informants  whose  stays  in  Thailand  were  between  7  and  12  months  maintain  that  farang  are  only  people  of  European  descent.    Resident  status  is  reserved  for  Thais  or  part-­‐Thais  claiming  Thailand  as  a  legal  permanent  country  of  residence.  

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Figure 2

The definition of farang shares a strong correlation with the length of stay of the informant. As discussed above, if Thai definitions of farang are to be considered the most valid, it seems that a lengthier stay results in a more accurate assessment of farang identity. The data produces a coefficient of determination equal to R2=. 98.3 Roles and impacts The migration of Westerners to Thailand is a multi-faceted phenomenon. Farang do not make up a significant portion of Thailand’s population (officially, 16,568 of Thailand’s 65 million persons are “Western residents”), but they hold myriad roles (2008 Howard: 150.) Informants cited four major sectors of Thai society on which farang have had a conspicuous impact: business and economics, cultural, education, and STEM fields (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics.) Thais and farang alike declared that farang have had a monumental effect in the financial sector figures 3 and 4. Clegg (2002) attributes this to a combination of globalization and Thailand’s increasing presence in the market economy.                                                                                                                3  For  calculation  of  regression,  responses  of  informants  whose  stays  were  less  than  6  months  were  disregarded.    Data  for  this  group  was  extremely  varied,  and  likely  the  product  of  sporadic,  uninformed  opinions.    This  does  not  suggest  a  lack  of  veracity,  but  simply  an  inability  to  form  a  concrete  opinion  due  to  unfamiliarity  with  residence  Thailand.  

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He states (606),

“There is a wide diversity of employers in Thailand, with less concentration of employment in technical industries, i.e. construction, engineering and manufacturing. This may be an indication of a more mature economy and diversified industry base.”

Clegg also asserts the desire of farang to work in Thailand as a means to increase promotion potential in their long-term career. Such growth has drawn not only farang to Bangkok, but Thais as well. Thai rural-urban migration has seen an increase in recent years in response to urban promises of financial security (1999 Mills, 2004 Wilson.) While the allure of financial success is an inviting prospect, it is not a promise. Clegg states that, “expatriate failure is a significant issue in the world of international business…because of the human element: …[people are] uncertain of the demands of these new cultures and the consequent diversity in business scenarios” (600.) Farang can certainly have a positive influence on Thailand’s financial sector, but not without risk to their careers. The ability of farang to integrate themselves into the social fabric of Bangkok, not only in business scenarios, will be expounded upon in the following section. One informant, Olavo, is evidence of the prosperous business potential in Bangkok. His employer sent him to Bangkok as a liaison to a Thai marketing company for “international business development.” Olavo elaborated on the impact of farang in the private sector. Though educational influence was cited as a minor impact of Western migrants, Olavo believes the mass influx of English teachers has greatly benefited Thailand and increased its presence in the global market economy. This certainly seems to be true, as one third of farang informants who disclosed a profession in Thailand were associated with education4. Technological development has provided another impetus for inward migration, although the interest of Western STEM employers often falls in the arena of international marketing. However, farang-STEM associations are not completely limited to employers seeking a new market. Medical tourism is a prospering industry, especially in conjunction with artificial insemination. Cross-cultural married couples often come to Thailand in order to receive “ethnically appropriate” (2009 Whittaker: 320) ova and sperm. In this respect, farang have not brought technology to Thailand, they have been the recipients of Thailand’s technological innovation. The cultural influence of farang is widespread as well; in fact, it is almost impossible to escape in Bangkok. From American movies and music to European cuisine and clothing, Western influence is manifest in virtually every public space. Despite this, the influence is certainly not unique to Thailand; it is interesting, though, that Western influence has penetrated a nation known for its resistance to Western manipulation (2004 Klima.) Several informants stated that they believe such influence is largely due to mass media – farang themselves have had negligible impact on Thai culture. However, one informant explicitly stated that most influence comes internally from farang. Ultimately,

                                                                                                               4  Not  all  informants  divulged  information  concerning  an  occupation,  either  in  Thailand  or  in  their  home  country.    Figure  5  demonstrates  the  responses  of  those  who  did  provide  occupation  information.  

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farang and Thais are in agreement concerning the extent of the influence of farang figures 3

and 4.5 Figure 3

Figure 4

Figure 5                                                                                                                  5  In  tables  3  and  4,  some  informants  cited  multiple  impacts  (i.e.  business  and  cultural).    Each  answer  was  included  in  the  data  analysis  –  informants  are  not  limited  to  one  response  in  the  representation  of  the  data.  

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Figure 5

Assimilation and acceptance Perhaps the most arduous challenge that farang face is blending in – that is, integrating with Thai culture and separating oneself from the idiosyncrasies of Western life that do not conform to Thai cultural standards. Western migrants to Thailand often encounter assimilation difficulties by attempting to project the values of their home country onto the space of the host country (2012 Wetzler.) The extent of the desire of farang to assimilate is incredibly panoramic. Fisher (2003: 5) discusses assimilation in terms of farang-Thai business interactions. He introduces the idea of “intercultural effectiveness”, which he maintains is comprised of three factors: “These are, first, the ability to communicate effectively, second, the ability to establish interpersonal relationships and third, the ability to cope with psychological stress.” I do not believe this model to be limited to the workplace. It represents the steps that must be taken for harmonious, productive coexistence between farang and their Thai hosts in Bangkok. However, even the most tenacious attempts to blend in may be impeded by Thai cultural values, especially Thailand’s renowned nationalism. Multiple informants referred to government discrimination as a powerful impediment to being accepted. Farang claims of exploitation by Thais were widely asserted as well, particularly those concerning small-scale salesmen and taxi drivers. The Thai government certainly restricts farang from numerous facets of society – permanent residency is exceptionally difficult to attain. Even with permanent residency status, farang are barred from voting

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and owning property (2008 Howard.) I visited several wats (temples) that even had separate entrances for Thais and non-Thais. Nevertheless, such distinctions do not necessarily mean that farang are ubiquitously ill received by Thais. Several trends appear in the data concerning assimilation and feelings of acceptance. There exists a direct, positive correlation between language use and feelings of acceptance. Of all farang interviewed, only 25% speak, or attempt to speak, Thai in farang-Thai interactions; of these 25%, only one-third considered themselves fluent. The farang that demonstrate an interest in learning Thai were significantly more likely to react positively to questions about the nature of farang-Thai interaction and feelings of acceptance. Age correlates with reaction to farang-Thai interactions as well; Thais under the age of forty showed a greater concentration of positive interactions. Several farang informants explicitly stated that older Thais are less accepting. Without regard to age, it seems that attempts at assimilation, and thereby acceptance, are relative to each farang. Khaosan Rd, the infamous international reservoir of backpackers, is seen as a haven for those wishing to live in Thailand without having to shed the comforts of familiar culture – a reputation prescribed in response to a pronounced lack of farang-Thai interaction (2005 Howard.) The degree to which a farang can blend in then, is a function of his willingness to try, and Thais’ willingness to understand. A twenty-five year old English teacher summarized this function; he stated, “Thais are generally accepting and willing to help as long as you reciprocate that acceptance and helpfulness.” Sadly, Thais seem to perform most of the work in this relationship; any complications with acceptance in Bangkok are more likely to be the product of farang inconsideration than Thai exclusivity. Marriage preferences Understanding the simple, overt interactions between Thais and farang does not entirely explain the farang identity. In order to understand the nature of a farang in Bangkok, an examination of his emotional orientations is necessary. Cross-cultural marriages, specifically Thai women with farang men, have become increasingly common since the 1970’s (2009 Whittaker.) This trend has engendered several stereotypes, especially concerning the motives of such marriages. Thai women are often represented as sexual objects that satisfy the desires of Western migrants who take advantage of a mia farang’s (Thai wife to a Western man) low economic status. While such relationships certainly exist, the typecast is far from universal. Still, many informants adamantly asserted that farang men are interested in Thai women for purely sexual purposes. Not coincidentally, these informants were more likely to divulge feelings of rejection by Thais. One man, a thirty nine year old Australian, believed Thai-farang relationships are purely based on sex and money; he “feels disgusted” when he sees cross-cultural couples. This man also ardently asserted that Thais have a universal dislike for Westerners. Stating a preference for relationships with other Westerners does not necessarily insinuate a grand dislike for Thais; nor must Thais be inclined to marry farang in order to be unprejudiced. An analysis of marriage preferences will simply highlight correlations

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between emotional disposition and feelings of acceptance. Figures 6 and 7 show responses of informants concerning marriage preferences6.

Figure 6

                                                                                                               6  “Conditional”  refers  to  an  openness  for  marriage  under  certain  constraints.    The  most  common  condition  concerned  residency.    Numerous  farang  stated  a  willingness  to  marry  a  Thai,  as  long  as  the  Thai  agreed  to  move  to  the  farang’s  country,  should  the  need  present  itself.    Other  conditions  included  financial  constraints,  time  limitations,  and  attempts  to  appease  family  members.    One  man  stated  that  he  “could  not  look  [his]  grandmother  in  the  eye”  if  he  married  a  Thai  woman.    Several  Thais  cited  ceremonial  preferences  as  a  marriage  constraint,  i.e.  marriage  would  only  be  acceptable  if  a  traditional  ceremony  authenticated  the  marriage.    Additionally,  the  few  farang  who  already  had  relationships  with  Thais,  and  vice  versa,  are  included  in  the  “Open  to  Both”  category.  

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Figure 7

While Thai and farang responses are in proportion with one another, the responses were given by drastically different demographics. Age is a major determinant of proclivity for cross-cultural relationships. Older Thais are noticeably less inclined to desire a relationship with farang – 70% of Thais open to such a relationship were under the age of forty. Conversely, while only 36% of farang informants were over age forty, 90% of farang in relationships with Thais were over forty7. Farang informants that are open to cross-cultural relationships are more likely to react positively to the nature of Thai-farang interactions. It seems, again, that a Westerner’s interest in Thai culture is positively correlated with the extent to which he feels well received by Thais. Conclusion

Western migrants comprise a negligible portion of Bangkok’s population; however, their influence is indubitably a significant one. The social and economic structures of Bangkok are reflections of an international network of cultural synergies. While the characteristics that constitute the farang identity are disputed, the impacts of farang are conspicuous in almost all facets of contemporary social discourse. Farang bring with                                                                                                                7  This  statistic  is  likely  due  to  a  stronger  predisposition  of  older  people  to  marry,  regardless  of  cultural  context.    Also,  those  above  age  forty  are  more  likely  to  have  spent  larger  amounts  of  time  in  Bangkok,  thusly  being  more  exposed  to  conditions  that  may  initiate  a  Thai-­farang  relationship.    That  being  said,  the  enormity  of  the  statistic  is  still  a  testament  to  the  strong  correlation  between  age  and  marriage  preferences.  

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them a great reservoir of knowledge and cultural diversity; however, they may also bring racism, greed, and a general disregard for the accepted conventions of Thai culture. The relationship of Western migrants to Thais are certainly relative to each person on either side of the cultural polarity, however the data presented above illuminates tendencies that appear to be relatively common. Farang feelings of acceptance versus feelings of rejection present the most obvious trend in the data. Western migrants with a discernable interest in Thai culture are significantly more likely to avoid discrimination, actual or perceived. Language proficiency is a major determinant of positive reception of farang with respect to Thai sentiment as well. Those farang that proffer a romantic interest in Thais are also less likely to feel victimized by an alleged Thai cultural superiority, though a lack of such interests does not dictate a cultural indifference. The impetuses for farang migration are innumerable, as are the impacts of their migration. However, the farang identity can be evaluated with relative accuracy. A farang is a Western migrant seeking a vested interest in Thailand. His roles and influences are contingent on the idiosyncrasies of his interests, as are his capabilities of successful assimilation. Identity conflicts and notions of belonging are functions of the level and category of his concerns, paired with his perception by Thais. It seems that the majority of Thais welcome him to their capital as gracious hosts – the rest is up to him.

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